T?fe 




REJOINDER 



^ 



ss^, 



TO THE 



REPLY OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 



OF THE 



Republican Party of So. Carolina 



TO THE 



EMORIAL 



OF THE 



TAXPAYERS' GONYE^^TION. 



:^ 




Charleston, S. C. 

The JVews and Courier Job Presses. 

1874. 








Class .r^74- 



Book^ 



7'2.6 



K E J 1 1^ D E R 



TO THE 



REPLY OF THE CEITRAL COMMITTEE 



OP THE 



Republican Party of So. Carolina 



TO THE 



MEMORIAL 



OF THE 



TAXPAYERS' CONYENTION. 



1^ 



^V 



Charleston, S. C. 
The J^ews and Courier Job Presses. 

1874' 



1^ 



REJOINDER. 



J he Revly of the State Ck-ntral Co,„mittce „f the Republican 
I arty to the Memorial of the Taxpayers' Convention is before ns 
As tlie members of the State Committee are, also, members of the 
Legislature, or oificehol.lers nnder the State Government, they 
are more or less involved in the issues made by the Memorial 

Ihe Keply begins with the charge that the Memorialists de- 
clined to accept the earnest invitation of liepnblieans to partici- 
pate in the work of Reconstructing the State. Tliis charire is 
nothing less than an appeal to ,.olitical prejudice, an,l is meant 
to operate as a diversion from the present issues. Even if true 
.u Its full extent, it would not, and eould not, justify spoliation 
and plunder under the forms of law. It is, however, ■ 'roper to 
say that the lea,ling men of the State were put under political 
disabilities by the Reconstruction Acts; and that no such invit.a- 
tioii as that described was extended to them. On the contiarv 
distrust wa.s, from the very beginning, sown bro.adeast iii'thJ 
minds of the newly enfranchised citizens, against the former 
rulers, by designing men, who, taking advant,age of their inex- 
perience, played upon their passions for the selfish purpose of 
enriching themselves and promoting their own political .advance- 
ment. And It is these very men, and their associates, who 
banded together l,y the cohesive power of public plunder, have' 
hrst destroyed the credit of the State, by an excessive issue of 
bonds and .are now engaged in crushing out the people of the 
State by the wanton abuse of the power of taxation 

When the Memorial of the Taxpayers to Congress was pub- 
lished, the passages which had the most effect upon the i.opular 
mind, were those wliich illustrate the difference between the ex- 



penses of the State Government before tlie war, and the expenses 
since Reconstruction. The Central Committee felt that it was 
imperatively necessary to lessen, if they could, the force of the 
facts contained in the Memorial, and in their Apology, or Countei- 
statement, they accordingly say: 

The statement that " the annual expenses of the Government 
have advanced from ;J;400,000 before the war to two millions and 
a half at the present time," is entirely incorrect, and the items of 
expenditures given to prove this statement are wholly Inaccurate 
and untrue, a?id sMlfidly selected to deceive. 

This is a serious cliarge, and it shall be squarely met. It 
divides itself into two branches, viz: the denial that the annual 
expenses of the Government were $400,000 before the war, and 
the denial that the annual expenses of the'Government are two 
millions and a half at the present time. In speaking of annual 
expenses, the Memorialists took into account only the ordinary 
expenses of the Government. They would not, for example, 
charge, as part of the expenses of the Government, an extraordi- 
nary expenditure met by the issue of bonds, or by means other 
than taxation. This, also, is the view taken by the Central Com- 
mittee. Were they to include the increase of the State debt, since 
Reconstruction, in their estimate of the expenses of the Govern- 
ment, they would (see Treasurer Cardozo's article in the Colum- 
bia Union, of February 2'3, 1874,) swell the cost of their rule, for 
four years and five months, ending on November 30,1872, to 
"an average annual expenditure of ^4,557,066." This is far 
worse than the average of $1,863,150, for State purposes alone, 
which, in the same article. Treasurer Cardozo confesses. We 
have to deal then only witli ordinary receipts and ordinary ex- 
penses. The Committee, however, to give some color of truth to 
their arraignment of the Memorial, and "■ to shoAV the unjust and 
adroit manner in which the statement of expenditures has been 
manipulated by the Memorialists, for their purposes of decep- 
tion," submit a statement, " carefully compiled from the official 
records, of the expenses of the State Government before the war 
and the first three years after." With "the first three years 
after" we have at present nothing to do. The figures for the 



5 

nine years ontling i„ ISGO are ^iven, by tl,e Committee, a.s 

1852-5:1.... * ^^^^'^^^ ^^ 

1853-54....;; 482,9746V 

1854-55 .... • r.3.V23 2() 

lorr r« 484,883 29 

18o5-56 

591,145 98 



1856-57 

1857-58 



608,294 85 



1858-59... ;: 1,030,924..!. 

1859-60 :: !"'•'"' °' 

967,968 57 

^''"^'y^^^'^ $w^^^ 

Annualaverage 1^75^227^ 

This appears to be, at the first glance, a plausible reply to the 
statement of the Memorialists, but unfortunately for the Com- 
mittee, who say that " these figures do not include interest on the 
public debt," the figures in question do include considerable 
sums for both interest and capital of the public debt, and, also 
for extraordinary expenses which were provided for othe'rwise 
than by taxation. The amounts actually received by the Comp- 
troller for State taxes in the nine years before named were as 
follows: 

l«="-^2 ^ 331,,34100 

'«^2-53 341,85,3 2, 

^^■'^-"^^ 422,742 09 

^«^*-^-^ • 377,,501 90 

'«'^-«« 501771 87 

'856-V 434167 29 

•«"-^8 48913729 

>«58-59 000444 29 

l«59-«0 591,79958 



^'"^ y^*''^ 14,040,769 16 

Annual average ^-aa o n^o .. 7 



6 

This is very different from the annual average as shown in the 
figures of the Committee. The plain truth is that there were, in 
every year of the nine years, extraordinary expenses, which form 
no part of the ordinary expenses of the Government. The prin- 
cipal of these were the expenditures for the Defence of tlie State, 
and the expenditures for the New State House, and for interest 
on tlie bonds and stocks issued on account of that edifice. A 
large sura of money was spent in improving Charleston Harbor, 
and there were other extraordinary expenses, of which we take 
no account. 

1. The expenditures for the Defence of the State, which were 
met almost entirely by the surplus profits of the Bank of the State, 
were as follows: 

1851-52 $130,000 00^ 

1852-53 37,310 00 

1853-54 80,273 52 

Total 1247,583 52 

2. The Expenditures for the New State House, and for inter- 
est on the New State House bonds and stocks, the expenditures 
being met by the sale of bonds and stocks, were as foUow^s: 

1854-55, New State House I 83,115 75 

1855-56, " " "^ 71,514 48 

1856-57, " " " 140,40196 

1857-58, " " " 522,604 12 

1858-59, " " " 355,000 00 

1859-60, " " " 418,717 48 

Total $1,591,353 79 

1854-55, Interest $ 13,080 00 

1855-56, " 12,690 00 

1856-57, " 25,296 00 

1857-58, " 42,147 77 

1858-59, " 69,099 90 

1859-60, 



*' 92,592 60 



Total I 254,906 27 



7 

Those amounts added togothor are: 

Defense of the State -li^ 247,583 52 

New State House 1,591,353 79 

Interest 254,900 27 

Grand total *2,093,843 58 

Expenses nine years, per Heplj^ |?6, 07 7,034 70 

Less extraordinary expenses not met l)y taxation. . 2,093,843 5H 

Actual expenses .^3,983,191 12 

True annual average ^ 442,576 79 



m 



This is an ample vindication of the correctuess of the figures 
given in the Memorial, ])ut we go further and append a table of 
the amounts raised by State taxation for the ten years ending in 
1858. The figures are taken from the Report of Comptroller 
Pickens, dated October 1, 1859: 

1849 ^ 299,148 

1850 329,991 

1851 516,175 

1852 349,929 

1853 362,223 

1854 429,976 

1855 399,738 

1856 533,140 

1 857 : 463,246 

1858 635,421 

Total for ten years .$4,318,987 

Annual average ^ 431,898 

It is proved, therefore, that the annual expenses of the State 
Government before the war Avere §?4 00,000. And the average an- 
nual outlay of $431,898, above given, includes, moreover, the pay- 
ments for fees of jurors and witnesses, for physicians and surg- 
eons, testifying as experts, and for holding post-mortem exami- 



8 

nations; also, the cost of dieting prisoners, and the fees of sheriffs, 
clerks of court, coroners, constables, and the like. These ex- 
penses before the war were paid by the State out of the general 
tax, but are now paid directly by the respective Counties, out of 
the County tax. In the year 1859-60, these expenditures amount- 
ed to '^116,832, and such payments must be deducted from the 
nominal expenditures of the State Government before the war, 
in order to make any comparison with the expenditures of the 
State Government subsequent to the war intelligible and just. 
Without going into further details, it may safely be asserte4 that 
the deductions mentioned would reduce the annual expenditures 
for State purposes, met by taxation, during the nine years end- 
ing in 1858, to an average of less than $350,000. It now remains 
to show that the annual expenses of the Government have ad- 
vanced to two and a half millions of dollars. This is quickly 
done. 

Before the war, the only taxes corresponding to what are known 
as County taxes were what were known as the police assessments, 
which, upon an average of nine years preceding the war, amount- 
ed to $140,000 a year. Add this to the general State tax of say 
$350,000 a year, and we liave a total tax of $490,000 a year, as 
the cost to the people, before the war, of conducting the Govern- 
ment of the State. The Comptroller's reports show what the 
actual expenditures have been in each year, under the rule of the 
Ring, viz: 

1868-69 $2,099,365 

1869-70 1,806,540 

18VO-71 1,853,976 

1871-72 1,634,835 

18V2-73 1,717,318 

This is exclusive of the County tax, which, up to 1872-73, av- 
eraged $450,000 a year, and which, for the year 1873-74, will 
amount to nearly three-quarters of a million. Add these taxes 
for County purposes, and the poll tax, to the amounts paid out 
for State purposes, and it will be seen that the annual expenses of 
the Government have, as stated in the Memorial, advanced from 
$400,000 to even more than two and a half million dollars. 



Inasmuch as the oxpentlitures for nine years, ending in 1859, 
have been proved, it is liardly necessary to discuss tlie proposi- 
tion of the Central Committee that the appropriations and ex- 
penditures in 1865-06 are no criterion wliatever of the reguhir 
expenses before the war. But in that year, when tlie whole ma- 
chinery of the State Government was in full operation, the ex- 
penditures were only $260,248, and tlie late Governor Orr, whose 
broad views the Central Committee dare not question, and whose 
experience in public aflairs none can doubt, ofiicially informed 
the General Assembly that the Government of the State could be 
efficiently carried on for $350,000 a year. But in order that the 
comparative burden of taxation, under the two rules, may be 
properly appreciated, it must be borne in mind that the expendi- 
ture of $400,000 a year before the war was raised out of taxable 
values of about $500,000,000, while the present expenditure of 
$2,500,000 is raised out of taxable values not exceeding $160,- 
000,000. This element of calculation, which more than trebles 
the weight of taxation, is left entirely out of view by the apolo- 
gists of the present misrule. They do not seem to realize the 
truth that the poorer people become, the less able they are to 
bear taxation. On the contrary, their rule appears to be that, 
from those who have little, shall be taken even the little that 
they have. 

The proposition that the free population of the State has 
doubled since emancipation, and that, therefore, the " cost of 
governing" should be increased in the same proportion, is almost 
too preposterous for argument with those who know the lacts. 
The number of souls in the State before the war was 700,000, 
and the number is about the same now. It is freely admitted 
that the number of officers and the amount of salaries, and the 
appropriations for schools would, be increased by the enfranchise- 
ment of the freedmen. But that all the expenses of Government 
would be increased and magnified as if so many additional 
persons or souls had been introduced into the State, is g.. device 
and suggestion worthy of the financial ingenuity which has al- 
ready impoverished our people by enriching their oppressors. 
This jt)er capita calculation, in a case such as ours, would excite 
mirth were the subject not too sad for a joke. 



10 



Of similar character is the allegation that the people of the 
State would allow their lands to be forfeited to tlie State for non- 
payment of taxes " rather than sell them to tlie colored people." 
It is a fact that 268,523 acres of land and 309 buildings were 
forfeited to the State in 18'73, for failure to pay State and County 
taxes for tlie year 1872, which taxes, with the penalties and 
costs, amounted to |32,858, or less than thirteen cents an acre, 
without counting the buildings. This simple truth staggered the 
Central Committee, and had to be met in some way. No intelli- 
gent man, however, will believe that the landowners are as fool- 
hardy and infatuated as the Central Committee represent them 
to be. The truth is, the people had not the money to pay, and 
could not procure it. Nor could the colored population become 
purchasers, because excessive taxation falls directly or indirectly 
upon all classes of citizens in the State. We commend to the 
Central Committee the words of one of their own organs, the 
Union-IIerald, of Columbia, which words are as true as they are 
pointed : 

It is a mistake, as a principle, to assert that when the taxes 
are so heavy as to compel the owners of land to sell, the poorer 
class can buy. The middle class may buy, but real poor men 
can't. When taxes are high, rent and provisions are high, and 
yet wages are low. It hits the 2^oor man both loays. Every 
poor man should keep this in mind. That is the reason why, 
although about 250,000 acres of land have been sold for taxes 
lately, still the State has had to take it all, and the poor man has 
not been able to buy a tax title. There is no getting round 
that fact. 

The State Committee take great credit to themselves for tiie 
Ilepudiation of six millions of Conversion Bonds. And yet it is 
admitted that the money arising from the hypothecation and 
sale of these very bonds went into the Treasury, and was used 
by their party. The Legislature " validated" these very bonds, 
and legalized the acts of the officers in disposing of them; while 
another Legislature, of the same stamp, has declared them void, 
on the ground that they were illegally and fraudulently issued. 
What a precious specimen is this of Ring legislation in South 
Carolina ! But Avas there no show of a purpose to hold to ac- 
count the officials who were declared by the General Assembly to 



11 

liave been guilty of a violation of the law ? There was ! As 
soon as the person wlio was State Treasurer during the adminis- 
tration of (lovernor Scott A^entured to print, in a New York 
newspaper, a defense of himself and a declaration of the validity 
of the bonds which had just been repudiated, the General As- 
sembly adopted a Joint llesolution requiring the Attorney-Gen- 
eral to prosecute the accused ofhcial. This Joint Resolution, 
however, was conveniently lost at the close of the Session, and 
the Governor, to whom a duplicate copy was sent, regularly 
signed by the l*resident of the Senate and Speaker of the House, 
refused to sign the Joint Resolution upon the ground that it was 
not received while the Legislature was in Session. Comment is 
unnecessary. 

The statement of the receipts and expenditures at the State 
Treasuries from October 1, 1859, to September 30, 1860, as pub- 
lished officially in one of their o^vn organs, is in itself sufficient 
evidence of the disingenuousness of the reply of the Central Com- 
mittee to the Memorial of the Taxpayers. For instance, that 
statement shows that, in the year named, the payments for legis- 
lative purposes and Public Printing were as follows: 

Legislative Expenses. $16,828 TO 

Public Printing 11,177 78 

Total ^28,006 48 

But in the three years ending respectively in October, 1871, 
1872, and 1873, the amount of money actually paid out for Leg- 
islative expenses and Printing was as follows: 

Legislative. Printinf^. 

1871 $ 280,361 $ 133,651 

1872 712,240 214,629 

1873 291,339 331,945 

$1,283,949 $ 680,225 

1,283,949 

Total for three years $1,964,174 

Annual average . . , $ 654,724 



12 

Tliis shows tliat the average annual expenditures for Printing 
and for LegisLative expenses, from 1871 to 1873, and for the 
year 1859-GO were, respectively, $654,724 and $28,000. In other 
words, our new rulers, for the two purposes named, spent twenty - 
three times as much as was spent, for the same purposes, in that 
year before the war, which they themselves have chosen as an 
example of heavy expenditures under Conservative rule. 

The Central Committee admit that under Republican rule the 
debt of the State has been increased from $5,000,000 to $1G,- 
000,000, of which amount the present Legislature, as already 
noticed, has repudiated $6,000,000, as having been issued without 
authority of law. This, according to the Committee, " leaves 
the unquestionably valid debt at $10,000,000." Of this amount, 
" $5,000,000 were issued by the Democrats, and $5,000,000 by 
the Republicans "; but " of the amount issued by the Republi- 
cans," say the Committee, " they are only really responsible for 
$1,700,000, issued for the Relief of the Treasury and the Land 
Commission." The $3,300,000, for which they hold that they 
are not responsible, were issued, they say, to pay past due inter- 
est, also, to redeem bills of the Bank of the State, used before 
the war; also, to redeem the Bills Receivable issued imder the 
administration of Governor Orr. The disingenuousness of this 
explanation is shown by, the records. When Governor Scott 
succeeded Governor Orr, he reported to the General Assembly 
that the amount of interest on the public debt due and falling 
due up to July 1, 1868 (when Reconstruction was absolutely 
complete) was $355,204. The holders of the bonds and stocks 
of the State were perfectly willing to fund their interest. In- 
stead of doing this, the Scott administration sold new bonds, at 
low figures, to meet the overdue interest, in order that a profitable 
speculation in Wall street might thereby be made. The result 
is, that the bond debt of the State was increased some $800,000 
to discharge a liability of less than half that amount. In like 
manner with the Bills Receivable. These were a loan without 
interest, and, as they were receivable for taxes, could soon have 
been absorbed. There was no need to force a liquidation of 
them, but the Scott administration immediately authorized the 
issue of bonds to redeem these bills, and the consequence is that 



13 

tlie State stands charged to-day with an interest-bearing bonded 
debt of 1500,000, incurred in redeeming a debt of $298,781, whicli 
Avas not pressing for payment, and which bore no interest. Tlie 
case of the bills of tlie Bank of the State is a similar one. They 
could have been taken up and cancelled at forty or lifty cents on 
the dollar, which was far more than they would bring at that 
time in the market; but the bulk of them were held by a ring of 
speculators, and the Legislature, regardless of the public interest, 
funded the bills in bonds of the State at par. Grouping the 
different sums of floating debt, it is seen that the floating debt, 
for which the Republicans incurred a bonded debt of $;l,TOO,000, 
represented a true value of about half that amount. The differ- 
ence between what was paid and what ought to have been paid, 
is chargeable to the maladministration and corru])tion of the per- 
sons whom the Central Committee represent. For the Land Com- 
mission, bonds to the amount of 1700,000 were issued by the 
Republican administration, " to purchase," as the Committee say, 
*' land for sale in small farms to the freedmen ;" which " benefl- 
cent object has accomplished much good." It has put money in 
the pockets of various officials, wo admit; but we deny that it 
has been of any advantage to the poor freedman. In 1871, the 
Legislature appointed a Joint Committee, who, among other 
things, investigated the affairs of the Land Commission. Senator 
Swails, who is one of the Central Committee, was a member of 
the Joint Committee. That committee denounced " the Land 
Commission and its operations " as "an outrageous and enormous 
swindle." They declared that there was " little to encourage the 
belief that the State had valid titles to one half the land pur- 
chased by the Land Commission," and that the " whole spirit, 
letter, and body of the laws" in regard to it had been " disregard- 
ed or wantonly perverted." The Central Committee have as- 
suredly very little cause to congratulate themselves upon the 
" beneficient " results of this pet project of their party. 

The Central Committee further say, that they are not ashamed 
of the fact that the appropriation for schools in 1872-73 is four 
times greater than in 1859-CO. That is an evasion of the ques- 
tion. The taxpayers approve of liberal appropriations for the 
furtherance of the cause of popular education, but they demand 



14 

that the money, when appropriated, shall be well and honestly- 
applied. TJie tax for the support of the schools has been regu- 
larly levied and collected, and yet the State Superintendent of 
Education has recently reported to the General Assembly that 
the outstanding and unpaid school claims amount to $306,25(5. 
The same officer admits that the non-payment of the claims has 
" most seriously marred the success and usefulness of our free 
school system," and he says that the "incompetency" of many 
of the teachers furnishes no reason why their claims should not 
be paid. A similar wail comes from the administration organ, 
which says: "Inefficient officers are primarily responsible for the 
present state of our schools, and unless some steps are taken to 
elect good men to the position of school commissioners, the Gen- 
eral Assembly might as well cut off the school appropriation at 
once. Our schools need renovating, and this can only be done 
by securing the services not only of good teachers, but good 
school officers also." There is, therefore, good Republican au- 
thority for saying that hundreds of thousands of dollars intended 
for scliool purposes have been squandered or stolen, and that 
what has been laid out has done very little for the advancement 
of education. The Committee also take credit for the " liberal 
appropriations " made for the " unfortunate patients " in the Lu- 
natic Asylum, which Asylum, however, is head over ears in debt, 
and has reduced to the brink of ruin the charitable merchants 
who ste])ped forward to r.ave the lunatics ironi starvation or the 
streets, and who are now unable to obtain payment of tlieir just 
claims against the State. 

With their usual recklessness the Central Committee say that 
the Conservative members of the State Lesjislature held a caucus, 
and "unanimously resolved not to participate in the proceedings" 
of the Taxpayers Convention, which they deemed to be " unwise 
and injudicious." So soon as this statement appeared in print, 
the Democratic members in question published a card, in which 
they declared the statement of the Committee to be false, that it 
misrepnisented their sentiments and actions, that they adopted 
no resolution not to participate in the proceedings, and that 
several of them, who were members, did participate in the pro- 
ceedings. 



15 

The Central Committee say that the allegation of the 
JVfemorial that tlie appro})riations made in one year for the public 
printing amounted to $175,000, exclusive of .^100,000 for i)ub- 
Hshing the laws, " is wholly incorrect." For the statement of 
the Memorial there is, nevertheless, sound KepuLlican authority. 
The committee appointed by the Legislature in January last to 
investigate the charges against the llepublican Printing Com- 
pany, say, in their published report, that the " aggregate of aj)- 
l)ro[)riations to the llepublican Printing Company, during the 
last twelve months, amounts to $475,000 ; the Legislature has 
also appropriated, during the same period, ^100,000 for publish- 
inff the laws." I^ut the Committee uriijethat the work for Avhicli 
the enormous appro])riations were made was extraordinary, and 
will not occur again for twenty years. The shortest answer to 
this is a statement of the money paid out for public printing 
during live years of Republican rule, ending in October, 1S7;J, 
as follows: 

18(38-00 ^ 12 000 

1869-70 22 316 

1870-71 1^-3 051 

1871-72 211 629 

1872-73 o31 945 

$714 541 
Due and unpaid Oct. 31, 1873 118 055 

Total, five years $832 596 

Annual average $166,519 

This latter shows the steady increase in the amount of money 
paid out for printing, and exposes the flimsy subterfuge of the 
Committee. 

It seems to be admitted by the Central Committee that gross 
corruptions exist in the Legislative and other departments; but 
it is regarded as a sufllcient justification that, without bribers, there 
could be no bribery. Let it not be forgotten that those who occupy 
positions of authority exercise a trust, and are responsible for its 
honest and faithful exercise. We are no apologists for those 



16 

who bribe, but we do say and insist that public officials, who 
yield to bribery and become corrupt, are unworthy of the func- 
tions with which they are charged — betray the trusts reposed in 
them, and cannot shelter themselves under the plea that they 
were tempted. They are put in office to resist temptation; and 
if, when tried in the balance, they are found wanting, they should 
read the handwriting on the Avail, and hide their miscreated 
fronts in confusion and shame. To attempt to justify it, is only 
to magnify the wrong and the wickedness. 

That the South Carolina Government is the worst in the Avorld 
has passed into a by-word. It is needless to multiply proofs. 
The country knows that this is no false or senseless clamor. The 
honest men of all parties are seeking to rid themselves of the 
stiofma and the incumbrance. Even the leaders of the dominant 
])arty in this State admit the existence of the evils of which we 
complain, and condemn them in more bitter phrase than we have 
used. During the session of the Taxpayers' r\:)nvention. Con- 
gressman Elliott, in a speech delivered on the occasion of a 
public reception given to him in Columbia, said: " I confess, with 
sadness greater than I can express, that here, in South Carolina, 
we to-day present a spectacle which does not excite interest in 
our cause; a spectacle which disheartens our friends, paralyzes 
our best efforts for the complete civil protection of our people, 
and makes the name of the State a by-word and reproach to our 
race. '^ * ''" * * It is not the Democracy that 
will overthrow us; it is our own party, with its faitliless leaders 
and their infatuated henchmen. Let us not look abroad for our 
enemies. They are here ; members of our own party, officers 
filected by our own votes. * * * * *'' * * 
I appeal to my fellow Republicans, of every race and nationality, 
to arise in their strength and shake off the terrible incubus that 
weighs down our party, to strangle the poisonous viper that is 
sucking our life blood, to remove the corroding leprosy that is 
gnawing at the vitals of our body politic." Similar utterances 
have been made by other prominent officials. A happy day will it 
be for Carolina when the wicked men Avho are preying upon her 
life, and gorging themselves upon her substance, shall be driven 
into obscurity; and Avhcn a just, honest, and benignant Government 
shall again dispense its care and its blessings over her people. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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